history repeats itselfAs much as I want to point out the hypocrisy in the speech by Bush tonight, I don't see that as being constructive. We all know that our unelected despot of a president is a lying bastard, soon to become one of the foremost war criminals in the history of mankind. A tit-for-tat reply to his speech is not satisfying to me.
Instead, I will take direct quotes from historian Howard Zinn's brilliant masterpiece, "A People's History of the United States", pages 583-84, dealing pertaining to our first war with Iraq when the first Bush was in office. I decided to look over Zinn's historical account of the war in Iraq during my lunch break today, and I could hardly believe how similar the events of 12 years ago are to today. Even the names have hardly changed. Zinn goes over the real reasons we went to war with Iraq in 1991, and those reasons have not changed today. He discusses the lies the government used to justify a war with Iraq, and those lies have not changed today. He discusses our use of "smart bombs" that the government said would minimize the causalities among innocent Iraqi civilians, but they didn't. Unfortunately, we will find out soon that that probably hasn't changed, either.
Read it and decide for yourself:
"Historian Jon Wiener, analyzing the domestic context of the war decision shortly afterward, wrote that 'Bush abandoned sanctions and chose war because his time frame was a political one set by the approaching 1992 presidential elections.
"That and the long-time U.S. wish to have a decisive voice in the control of the Middle East oil resources were the crucial elements in the decision to go to war against Iraq. Shortly after the war, as representatives of the thirteen oil-producing nations were about to gather in Geneva, the business correspondent of the
New York Times wrote: 'By virtue of its military victory the United States is likely to have more influence in the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries than any industrial nation has ever exercised.
"But those motives were not presented to the American public. It was told that the United States wanted to liberate Kuwait from Iraqi control. The major media dwelled on this as a reason for war, without noting that other countries had been invaded without the United States showing such concern (East Timor by Indonesia, Iran by Iraq, Lebanon by Israel, Mozambique by South Africa; to say nothing of the countries invaded by the United States itself - Grenada, Pamama).
"The justification for war that seemed most compelling was that Iraq was on its way to building a nuclear bomb, but evidence for this was very weak. Before the crisis over Kuwait, Western intelligence sources had estimated it would take Iraq three to ten years to build a nuclear weapon. Even if Iraq could build a bomb in a year or two, which was the most pessimistic estimate, it had no delivery system to send it anywhere. Besides, Israel already had nuclear weapons. And the United States had perhaps 30,000 of them. The Bush administration was trying hard to develop a paranoia in the nation about an Iraqi bomb which did not yet exist.
"Bush seemed determined to goto war. There had been several chances to negotiate an Iraqi withdrawl from Kuwait right after the invasion, including an iraqi proposal reported on August 29 by
Newsday correspondent Knut Royce. But there was no response from the United States. When secetary of State James Baker went to Geneva to meet with Iraqi foreign minister Tariq Aziz, the instruction from Bush was 'no negotiations.'
"Despite months of exhortation from Washington about the dangers of Saddam Hussein, surveys showed that less than half the public favored military action.
"In January 1991, Bush, appearently feeling the need for support, asked Congress to give him the authority to make war. This was not a
declaration of war, as called for by the Constittution; but since Korea and Vietnam, that provision of the Constitution seemed dead, and even the "strict constructionists" on the Supreme Court who prided themselves on taking words of theConstitution literally and seriously would not intervene.
"The debate in Congress was lively. (At one point, a Senate speech was interrupted by protesters in the balcony shouting "No blood for oil!" The protesters were hustled out by guards.) It is likely that Bush was sure of having enough votes, or he would have launched the invasion without Congressional approval; aftere all, the precedent for ignoring Congress and the Constitution had been set in Korea, Vietnam, Grenada, and Pamama."
[snip]
"This confidence in 'smart bombs' sparing civilians may have contributed to a shift in public opinion, from being equally divided on going to war, to perhaps 85 percent support for the invasion. perhaps more important in winning over public support was that once American military were engaged, it seemed to many people who had previously opposed military action that to criticize it now meant betraying the troops who were there. All over the nation, yellow ribbons were displayed as a symbol of support for the forces in Iraq.
"In fact, the public was being deceived about how 'smart' the bombs being dropped in Iraqi towns were. After talking with former intelligence and Air Force officers, a correspondent for the Boston
Globe reported that perhaps 40 percent of the laser-guided bombs dropped in Operation Desert Storm missed their targets."